As Pope Heads to Brazil, a Rival Theology Persists
As Pope Heads to Brazil, a Rival Theology Persists
SÃO PAULO, Brazil, May 2 — In the early 1980s, when Pope John Paul II wanted to clamp down on what he considered a dangerous, Marxist-inspired movement in the Roman Catholic Church, liberation theology, he turned to a trusted aide: Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger.
Now Cardinal Ratzinger is Pope Benedict XVI,
and when he arrives here on Wednesday for his first pastoral visit to
Latin America he may be surprised at what he finds. Liberation
theology, which he once called “a fundamental threat to the faith of
the church,” persists as an active, even defiant force in Latin
America, home to nearly half the world’s one billion Roman Catholics.
Over the past 25 years, even as the Vatican moved to silence the
clerical theorists of liberation theology and the church fortified its
conservative hierarchy, the social and economic ills the movement
highlighted have worsened. In recent years, the politics of the region
have also drifted leftward, giving the movement’s demand that the
church embrace “a preferential option for the poor” new impetus and
credibility.
Today some 80,000 “base communities,” as the grass-roots building
blocks of liberation theology are called, operate in Brazil, the
world’s most populous Roman Catholic nation, and nearly one million
“Bible circles” meet regularly to read and discuss scripture from the
viewpoint of the theology of liberation.
During Benedict’s five-day visit here, he is scheduled to meet with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva,
canonize a saint, preach to the faithful and visit a drug treatment
center before addressing the opening session of a conference of Latin
American bishops that will discuss the future of the church in the
region where liberation theology originated, prospered and drew so much
of his censure. Some liberation theology supporters will be present,
others will be at a parallel meeting, and all have been cautioned not
to be too aggressive in pressing their views.
In the past, adherents stood firm as death squads made scores of
martyrs to the movement, ranging from Archbishop Óscar Arnulfo Romero
of El Salvador, killed in 1980 while celebrating Mass, to Dorothy Mae
Stang, an American-born nun shot to death in the Brazilian Amazon in
February 2005. Compared to that, the pressures of the Vatican are
nothing to fear, they maintain.
“Despite everything, we continue to endure in a kind of
subterranean way,” said Luiz Antonio Rodrigues dos Santos, a
55-year-old teacher active in the movement for nearly 30 years. “Let
Rome and the critics say what they want; we simply persevere in our
work with the poor and the oppressed.”
On a cool and cloudy Saturday morning in late April, evidence of
the movement’s vitality was plain to see. Representatives of 50 base
communities gathered at the St. Paul the Apostle Church on the east
side of this sprawling city, in an area of humble workers’ residences
and squatter slums.
With four priests present, readings from the Bible alternated with
more worldly concerns: criticisms of government proposals to reduce
pensions and workers’ rights under the Brazilian labor code. The
service ended with the Lord’s Prayer and then a hymn.
“In the land of mankind, conceived of as a pyramid, there are few
at the top, and many at the bottom,” the congregation sang. “In the
land of mankind, those at the top crush those at the bottom. Oh, people
of the poor, people subjected to domination, what are you doing just
standing there? The world of mankind has to be changed, so arise
people, don’t stand still.”
Afterward, discussion turned to other social problems, chief among
them a lack of proper sanitation. A representative of the left-wing
Workers’ Party discussed strategies to press the government to complete
a sewer project. Congregants agreed to organize a campaign to lobby for
it.
In other areas here, liberation theology advocates have strong
links to labor unions. At a May 1 Mass to commemorate International
Labor Day, they draped a wooden cross with black banners labeled
“imperialism” and “privatization” and applauded when the homily
criticized the government’s “neoliberal” economic policies, the kind
Washington supports.
“We believe in merging the questions of faith and social action,”
said Valmir Resende dos Santos, a liberation disciple who brings base
communities and labor groups together in the industrial suburbs here.
“We advise groups and social movements, mobilize the unemployed, and
work with unions and parties, always from a perspective based on the
Gospel.”
Since liberation theology first emerged in the 1960s, it has
consistently mixed politics and religion. Adherents have often been
active in labor unions and left-wing political parties and criticized
governments they complain are beholden to modern-day Pharisees.
Supporters see that activism as a necessary virtue to answer the
needs of the poor. Opponents say it dangerously insinuates the church
into the temporal, political realm, and in recent years they have
repeatedly announced the movement’s decline or disappearance.
Some of the distinctions in this debate are finely drawn. John Paul
II’s reach extended into human rights and politics, as he discouraged abortion
and divorce and encouraged fellow Poles and other Europeans to reject
Communism. He is widely credited with helping to bring about the
eventual collapse of the Soviet Union.
That, some say, differs from the direct, class-oriented political
activism embraced by liberation theology. Cardinal Ratzinger once
called the movement a “fusing of the Bible’s view of history with
Marxist dialectics,” and other critics complain of what they see as its
emphasis on direct collective action in Jesus’ name over individual
faith.
As John Paul II put it early in his papacy: “This conception of
Christ as a political figure, a revolutionary, as the subversive of
Nazareth, does not tally with the church’s catechism.”
Certainly at the upper levels of the church hierarchy, liberation
theology has been forced into retreat. Bishops and cardinals who
supported and protected the movement in the 1970s and 1980s have either
died or retired, succeeded by clerics openly hostile to such
communities and the values they espouse.
“Base communities can only thrive in areas where there are bishops
to encourage them,” said Margaret Hebblethwaite, a British religious
writer whose books include “Base Communities: An Introduction” and “The
Next Pope.” “If you take away the support of the bishop, it becomes
very difficult for them to get anywhere.”
But the movement remains especially active in the poorest areas
like the Amazon, the hinterlands of northeast Brazil and on the
outskirts of large urban centers like this one, the largest in Brazil,
with nearly 20 million people in the metropolitan area. Hoping to draw
less attention and opprobrium to themselves, some of these groups
simply say they are engaged in a “social pastorate.”
Sparring between liberation theologians and Benedict — whose own
theology was formed in reaction to the reach of Nazi ideology — has
been long and bitter. In 1984, as the Vatican official charged with
supervising questions of faith and doctrine, he declared that “the
theology of liberation is a singular heresy.”
More recently, he said, “it seems to me we need not theology of
liberation, but theology of martyrdom,” and argued that the movement
will become a valid theology “only when it refuses to accept power and
worldly logic” and instead emphasizes “inner liberty.” But that was
when his job was to carry out John Paul’s orders, and there is
speculation here that his views may have softened somewhat.
That helps explain some of the theological maneuvering that has been going on in Latin America recently.
At the behest of conservatives, the Vatican has imposed sanctions
on the liberation theologians Gustavo Gutiérrez of Peru, Leonardo Boff
of Brazil and, most recently, Jon Sobrino of El Salvador, a Jesuit born
in Spain. But when the Vatican admonished Father Sobrino, in March,
Pedro Casaldáliga of Brazil, one of the bishops most committed to
liberation theology, wrote an open letter calling on the church to
reaffirm its “real commitment to the service of God’s poor” and “the
link between faith and politics.”
That drew a sharp rebuke from Felipe Aquino, a conservative
theologian whose views are often broadcast on Catholic radio stations
here. “In spite of having received the Vatican’s cordial warning, you
continue to be incorrigible, poisoning the people with the theology of
liberation, which, as Ratzinger noted, annihilates the true faith and
subverts the gospel of salvation,” he wrote.
At a news conference here on April 27, the newly appointed
archbishop of São Paulo, Odilo Scherer, 57, tried to conciliate the two
opposing viewpoints. While he criticized liberation theology for using
“Marxism as a tool of analysis,” he also praised liberation theologians
for redirecting the church’s mission here to focus on issues of social
injustice and poverty.
He also argued that the movement was in decline. Adherents, however, are less sure.
“The force of Latin America’s harsh social reality is stronger than
Rome’s ideology, so the theology of liberation still has a great deal
of vitality,” Mr. Boff, a former Franciscan friar who left the clergy
in 1992, argued in a recent interview. “It is true it doesn’t have the
visibility it once had and is not as controversial as it once was, but
it is very much alive and well.”
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